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Orijin: U.S. Library of Congress

tradui par Stefan Fisahn.

Du linguas ia es parlada en Aiti: Creol e franses. La relata sosial entre esta ambos linguas ia es complicada. Nove da cada des aitan persones ia parla sola creole, ce es la lingua ia usada cada dia per cuanto de popla entier. Sirca un da des ance ia parla franses. E sola un da dudes ia pote parola bon ambos, franses e creol. Donce Aiti no ia es un pais francisme no un pais lingua duple. Plu bon, du popla lingual separeda ia esista: la marojia ci usa un lingua e la clase plu alta ci usa du linguas.

Toda clases ia valua parlables. Parlar publica ia es importante per vive politica; A multe veses la modo de parolante ia es plu importante como la contente. La capasia per responde intelijente ia vijila la modo de parlables de ambos, la loborores usada un lingua e la abitantes site mundan ci usa du linguas. Grupos poca ia encontra a multe veses en Port-au-Prince per escuta narantes. Opinias a franses e creole ia aida define la cultur problem de Aiti.

Normal linguas ia fa complicada cambiante entra membros de la clase plu alta e la cuanto de la popla. Aitanes da toda clases ia es orgula per creol como tra espresa e como la lingua nasional. A cada caso, multe aitanes, ci usa un lingua e ci usa du linguas, reclama ce "el ave no regulas." Donce la majoria da cuanto de popla ia no valua los lingua de nase e ia crea un misterio sirca franses. A mesma tempo, cuasi cada aitan ci usa du linguas ia ave nonserta sentis sirca franses e ia fa se noncomfortante. En creole la frase "parla franses" sinia "eser un mentinte"

Parla bon franses serveda como mesma plu importante tema per es membro en la clase plu alta de Aiti como la color de pel. La usante de franses es la viver publica ia esclui la majoria da politica, governa, e viver intelijental. Familias usante du linguas ia usa franses xef per veses formal. Per ce creol ia es la lingua per veses nonformal, el ia omplida con slang e ia es usada per reconta bromas. Franses aitan ia manca esta cualias nonformal. Persones ci ia parla sola creol ia evita situas, do los nonebla per parla franses ta es desvantaje o un embarasa. Atentante per es asetada en sirculos formal o governal, alga creol parlante sola ia usa frases ce sona franses en los creol parla, ma esta imitantes ia es ultima usada poca o no. Persones du lingua de la clase media en Port-au-Prince ia sufri la plu grande desvantaje per ce los ia encontra frecuente situas en ce la usar dla franses vole conveninte, ma los nonperfeta parla los ia tende indica los clasa su orijines.. La tema lingua ia presa la plu la clase media. La usa de franses como clasas maciante ia fa aitanos de clasa media plu rijida a los usar de franses a veses formal como aitanos de la clasa plu alta.

La orijines de creol ance es dicutada. Alga siensores creda ce el ia asende da un pijin ce ia developante entra xefes franses e slavos african en la paises dependente. Otra persones creda ce creol ia veni a la pais dependente de San Dominic como un lingua prepareda, asendade da un dialect da negosia de mar franses. Cada cosa es la orijines, creol es en la siensa de linguas un lingua separada e no sola fransesin mal. Contra ce la majoria de paroles creol ave orijines franses, la gramatica de creol es no simile a la gramatica de franses, e la ambos linguas no comprendable mutua.

Ala es diferentes depende a clasa e area en creol. Diferentes area inclui parolas e sona, ma la structur gramatica es fisada en la pais entier. Parlantes de du linguas tende usa fonemes franses con los parla creol. La tender usa sonaa franses ia es comun a la Port-au-Prince modo de creol. Durante la 1980 anos, la Port-au-Prince modo ia persepi como modo norma de la lingua.

La usar de franses e creol durante la tempo dependente e la tempo independente ia prepareda modeles de parla per la sentenio seguente. Durante la tempo dependente, ia es xef persones blanca e miscada instruida ci ia es liberada, ci ia parla franses. Cuando la slavos ia deveni libria e la sistem plantia ia rompe, la plu grande ostaculo entre clases diferente e persones colorada diferente ia cada. Lingua franses ia deveni la borda persones ci ia es libre ante la revolta (la liberada ante) e persones ci ia liberada per la revolta, e el ia securi la state superio de la liberada ante. Franses deveni no sola de la governa e negosia, ma ance de cultur e intelijente. Mesma la aitanes plu nasionalimse ia valua poca creol.

Ma ideas versa creole ia comense cambia durante la sentenio dudes, serta durante la ocupa de Statos Unida. La ocupa fortia intelijentes de Aiti per contra los eritar noneuropa. Cresante consenser negra e plu nasionalimse ia cause ce multe aitanos ia conside creol como lingua vera de la pais. La prima atenta a testo creol ia aperi a 1925, e la prima jornal ia es publicida a 1943.

Comense de la anos de 1950, un move per done creol state ofisial ia crese lenta. La constitui de 1957 ia refisada franses como lingua ofisial, ma el ia permete la usa de creol a serta funsion publica. A 1969 un lege done creol state legal limitade; la lingua pote usada a legia, la cortes, e organizas, ma no a oranizas instrual ofisial. Ma a 1979 un legeta ia permete creol como lingua de intrui a scolas. La constitui de 1983 ia declara ce ambos, creol e franses es linguas nasional, ma ia spesifada ce franses es la lingua ofisial. La suada constitui de 1987 (ce es restate parte 1989) ia done state ofisial a creol.


French and Creole Edit

Two languages were spoken in Haiti: Creole and French. The social relationship between these languages was complex. Nine of every ten Haitians spoke only Creole, which was the everyday language for the entire population. About one in ten also spoke French. And only about one in twenty was fluent in both French and Creole. Thus, Haiti was neither a francophone country nor a bilingual one. Rather, two separate speech communities existed: the monolingual majority and the bilingual elite.

All classes valued verbal facility. Public speaking played an important role in political life; the style of the speech was often more important than the content. Repartee enlivened the daily parlance of both the monolingual peasant and the sophisticated bilingual urbanite. Small groups gathered regularly in Port-au-Prince to listen to storytellers. Attitudes toward French and Creole helped to define the Haitians' cultural dilemma.

Language usually complicated interactions between members of the elite and the masses. Haitians of all classes took pride in Creole as a means of expression and as the national tongue. Nevertheless, many monolingual and bilingual Haitians regarded Creole as a nonlanguage, claiming that "it has no rules." Thus, the majority of the population did not value their native language and built a mystique around French. At the same time, almost every bilingual Haitian had ambivalent feelings about using French and did so uncomfortably. In Creole the phrase "to speak French" means "to be a hypocrite."

Fluency in French served as an even more important criterion than skin color for membership in the Haitian elite. The use of French in public life excluded the Creole-speaking majority from politics, government, and intellectual life. Bilingual families used French primarily for formal occasions. Because Creole was the language of informal gatherings, it was filled with slang and was used for telling jokes. Haitian French lacked these informal qualities. Monolingual Creole speakers avoided formal situations where their inability to communicate in French would be a disadvantage or an embarrassment. In an attempt to be accepted in formal or governmental circles, some monolingual Creole speakers used French-sounding phrases in their Creole speech, but these imitations were ultimately of little or no use. Middle-class bilinguals in Port-au-Prince suffered the greatest disadvantage because they frequently encountered situations in which the use of French would be appropriate, but their imperfect mastery of the language tended to betray their lower-class origins. It was in the middle class that the language issue was most pressing. The use of French as a class marker made middle-class Haitians more rigid in their use of French on formal occasions than Haitians who were solidly upper class.

The origins of Creole are still debated. Some scholars believe that it arose from a pidgin that developed between French colonists and African slaves in the colonies. Others believe that Creole came to the colony of Saint-Domingue as a full-fledged language, having arisen from the French maritime-trade dialect. Whatever its origins, Creole is linguistically a separate language and not just a corrupted French dialect. Although the majority of Creole words have French origins, Creole's grammar is not similar to that of French, and the two languages are not mutually comprehensible.

There are regional and class variations in Creole. Regional variations include lexical items and sound shifts, but the grammatical structure is consistent throughout the country. Bilingual speakers tend to use French phonemes in their Creole speech. The tendency to use French sounds became common in the Port-au-Prince variant of Creole. By the 1980s, the Port-au- Prince variant was becoming perceived as the standard form of the language.

The use of French and Creole during the colonial and the independence periods set speech patterns for the next century. During the colonial period, it was mostly whites and educated mulatto freedmen who spoke French. When the slaves gained their freedom and the plantation system disintegrated, the greatest barriers among the various classes of people of color collapsed. French language became a vital distinction between these who had been emancipated before the revolution (the anciens libres) and those who achieved freedom through the revolution, and it ensured the superior status of the anciens libres. French became the language not only of government and commerce, but also of culture and refinement. Even the most nationalist Haitians of the nineteenth century placed little value on Creole.

Attitudes toward Creole began to change during the twentieth century, however, especially during the United States occupation. The occupation forced Haitian intellectuals to confront their non-European heritage. A growing black consciousness and intensifying nationalism led many Haitians to consider Creole as the "authentic" language of the country. The first attempt at a Creole text appeared in 1925, and the first Creole newspaper was published in 1943.

Beginning in the 1950s, a movement to give Creole official status evolved slowly. The constitution of 1957 reaffirmed French as the official language, but it permitted the use of Creole in certain public functions. In 1969 a law was passed giving Creole limited legal status; the language could be used in the legislature, the courts, and clubs, but not in accredited educational institutions. In 1979, however, a decree permitted Creole as the language of instruction in the classroom. The constitution of 1983 declared that both Creole and French were the national languages but specified that French would be the official language. The suppressed 1987 Constitution (which was partially reinstated in 1989) gave official status to Creole.

Source: U.S. Library of Congress

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